The substantival use of the adjective

Date: 2015-10-07; view: 460.

2.2.1.1. While in ModE an adjective can normally be used substantivally only in the plural of the common gender with reference to a whole group (the poor, the blind) and in the neuter with reference to the generic aspect of the adjective (2.2.1.5.), the substantival functions of the adjective in OE and partly in ME were far less restricted, cp. OE se blinda, gyf he blindne lœt … 'the blind man, if he leads a blind man …' and ME (Chaucer) I nevere saugh a more bountevous … n'a gladder, … n'a more gracious. The increasing use of prop words (one, man, thing, etc.) in ME and EarlyModE is no doubt closely linked to the breakdown of the inflexional system, the consequence of which was that grammatical categories like number and gender were no longer expressed by means of endings or inflected determinatives. Restrictions were eventually bound to be imposed on the substantival functions of the adjective to avoid ambiguity as in a good 'a good man', 'something good', 'a good deed', 'kindness' and the good 'all good men', 'the good men', 'goodness'.

As for the emergence of the normal ModE propword one (< OE an), it has been suggested that an important source is the intensifying use of appositive one in OE and EarlyME (ME so my ty oon), the other main source being the independently used indefinite one ('a person', as in a lusty oon (Chaucer)) <…>. Rissanen (1967:73–7) finds that the intensifying use of one is of only secondary importance for the development of one as a propword, and focuses instead on ME pronominal uses of appositive one meaning 'a person' (cp. above) and of appositive one in anaphoric use (ME a chapelet so seemly oon) as predecessors of the propword. Examples of the former type are found in earlier texts than those of the latter type, and this implies that appositive one meaning 'a person' was highly significant for the emergence and development of one as a propword even if the immediate predecessor of the propword appears to be the anaphoric use of pronominal one <…>. Although the propword is attached in the 14th century, it does not become popular until 1600, and it is not until the EarlyModE period either that it is used to any extent with inanimate objects. The use of the propword in the plural (ones) emerges in the ModE period.

2.2.1.2. Reminiscences of the old substantival use of the adjective can still be seen in the Almighty and in certain participles used as nouns, e.g. the accused, the deceased, my beloved, cp. OE se goda 'the good person'. Schibsbye (1970:3.2.2.) also cites the dead 'the dead person' in this context – according to Jespersen, the expression has been retained only because it is more solemn than the somewhat more colloquial constructions with one, person, friend, etc.

2.2.1.3. Expressions like (the right hand is clean and so is) the left and (the old world and) the new can be regarded as residues of the old situation. Their general and unambiguous character and the contrasts expressed have probably contributed to their retention.

2.2.1.4. Sometimes there is variation between the substantival use of adjectives and propword constructions in that the absence of one – support is characteristic of a formal (literary) style while the propword belongs to a more colloquial register. This applies to the superlative in relative use: there are still many obstacles. The two biggest (ones) are the peasants and the Roman Catholic Church, and similarly after each, another, ordinal numbers and this and that. Finally, attention should be drawn to the omission of the propword in literary language after the indefinite article plus adjective in the positive and in the indefinite plural, in both cases when a natural contrast is being expressed: it is a wet light rather than a dry and local political forces are less concentrated than national (2.2.1.3.). The distribution of register variants suggests that the propword will oust the substantival use of the adjective in the cases discussed in this paragraph.

2.2.1.5. The substantival use of an adjective in the neuter in the generic sense has been reinforced within the last couple of centuries through extrasystemic influence, viz. the imitation of German philosophical (abstract) usage, cp. the following example taken from Carlyle: separate firmly the known from the unknown or misknown <…>.

2.2.2. In numerous cases adjectives with frequent substantival use have come to be regarded as nouns, and consequently acquired the substantival plural suffix -s. In OE, -s was not among the adjectival plural endings, but in ME the -s suffix spread not only to other declensional types among the nouns (1.1.5.), but also to original adjectives – perhaps partly under French influence. This development has continued in ModE, involving adjectives from widely different spheres: mortals, humans, blacks, Europeans, savages, equals, domestics, males, five-year-olds, Presbyterians, Liberals, criminals, dears, deaf-mutes, elders.